India Passes China for World’s Largest Population

Mark your calendar. Today is the day that India holds more people than anywhere else on Earth, after two centuries of Chinese population supremacy.

Hot on the heels of the world surpassing 8 billion total people, India has surpassed China to become the world’s most-populous nation, according to fresh data.

India is now home to 1,428,600,000 people, according to newly released numbers from the United Nations, which you can find on its World Population Dashboard. China is home to a mere 1,425,700,000.

It’s a momentous shift. India’s economy is younger and still growing, while China is suffering from an ageing population and the low birthrate that’s a hangover from decades of the one-child policy, whose generations are now marrying and having their own children at less-than-replacement rate.

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Multinational companies are already keen to diversify production away from an overdependence on China due to geopolitical tensions as well as rising wages. Add to that equation the greater relative attraction of the Indian market, likely to grow at a faster pace than China for years to come.

So it is with impeccable timing that Apple is opening its first stores in India, with an outlet in Mumbai and then in New Delhi. India has also improved the attractiveness for international retailers with changes in the law that allow direct ownership of local stores, whereas companies used to have to work through a local partner. Apple has sold for 25 years into India through third parties.

Apple is now also making iPhones in India for sale to the local market, and is also ramping up production of its goods in Vietnam. The company will likely be making one-quarter of its products outside China by 2025, according to JPMorgan Chase, up from less than 5% now.

The official confirmation in the change in the population world order comes today, although of course demographics rely on estimates and censuses conducted over periods of time. The U.N. Population Fund has just released its State of World Population report for 2023, which you can find here.

India will begin to see its population shrink, too, and likely in fairly short order, within two to three decades. Already, 31 of its 36 states are seeing the population decline, but the remaining five states have such a high fertility rate that they offset the others.

India’s population growth reportedly peaked at 2.4% in the 1980s but has dropped to 1% as of 2020. However, the last Indian census was in 2011, and the country delayed the population count that was due to occur in 2021 due to the pandemic. The United Nations has updated the 2011 count based on fertility, mortality and migration rates.

The world passed 8 billion people in November 2022. To me, that’s too many. But the United Nations would rather cast the numbers in a positive light.

“For many of us, it represented a milestone that the human family should celebrate,” Natalia Kanem, the executive director of the U.N. Population Fund, writes in the new report, “a sign that people are living longer, healthier lives and enjoying more rights and greater choices than ever before.”

Kanem does make an excellent point that birthrates aren’t the be all and end all. Increased gender equality can offset problems in both low-birthrate nations, by encouraging women to enter the workforce, and in high-birthrate nations, by giving women more agency in family planning.

The United Nations says that around 24% of women and girls are “unable to say no to sex,” while 11% are unable to make decisions over contraception. Such families are unable to control unplanned pregnancies, while the poorest people may lack access to contraception even if they’re allowed to avail themselves of it.

World population growth is now at its slowest pace since 1950. Just eight nations will account for half of the projected growth in population by 2050.

China’s shrinking, ageing population is entering a world that nations such as Japan and Italy already inhabit. In fact, two-thirds of the world’s people live in places where the fertility rates are below the “replacement rate” of 2.1 births per woman. As mortality rates decrease, it makes sense that fertility rates fall, too.

In China, it is also a rising standard of living and rising incomes that are leading to a decline in the birthrate. Many Chinese families say they would rather focus their resources on a small number of children — often choosing to have only one child where they’re legally allowed and politically encouraged to have more — to give them a better start in life.

India’s fertility rate has fallen from 5.7 children per mother in 1950 to 2.2 births per woman today. So it is on the cusp of shifting into decline.

Often forgotten in this discussion is the effect of migration. A country with a shrinking population can quickly offset that effect by encouraging more workers to move there from abroad. Immigration is a dirty word in today’s politics. But it can be a boon to an economy that is struggling under an “inverted pyramid” of population, with a bulging older demographic slice supported by a tinier young generation.

We should also reconsider how we measure economic success. Figures for gross domestic product rely so much on growth that they “praise” a country that concretes over its entire wilderness to populate it with cities and factories. Gross domestic happiness is forgotten.

The U.N. report calls on governments to strengthen pension and healthcare systems in response to these demographic changes, as well as to promote exercise and healthy ageing, and protect migrant rights.

Japan’s Trading Houses Get Buffett-Backed Trading Boost

Warren Buffett sees something in Japan’s sogo shosha conglomerates, and says he’ll throw out the idea of co-investment deals while visiting his holdings in Japan.

Warren Buffett’s desire to sample more Japanese-equity flavor continues to boost the Tokyo market. The Topix closed 0.8% higher on Wednesday, matching Tuesday’s 0.8% bump, after Buffett indicated he intends to increase his holdings in Japan, and specifically its storied sogo shosha, or trading houses.

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Buffett via his Berkshire Hathaway holding company owns a decent chunk of each of the five biggest Japanese sogo shosha: Itochu, Marubeni, Mitsubishi, Mitsui and Sumitomo. Berkshire first revealed holdings of at least 5% in an August 2020 filing, indicating it had spent US$6 billion on the stakes, then increased its holdings to 6.6% of all five in November 2022, and now announces it holds 7.4% of each.

“We’re very proud of that,” Buffett says in an interview with the Nikkei business daily. He will be meeting with those five trading houses this week “to really have a discussion around their businesses and emphasize our support.”

True to form for value-driven Buffett, the trading houses are very “real” businesses that are sprawling and complex but serve very essential purposes. With their roots in commodities and goods trading, they have expanded to become investment holding companies, too, much like Berkshire Hathaway in fact.

Buffet went on to indicate that Berkshire would be open to co-op investment with or alongside the trading houses. “We would love if any of the five would come to us ever and say, ‘We’re thinking of doing something very big’ or ‘We’re about to buy something and we would like a partner,’ or whatever,” Buffett said.

Although the trading houses are currently the extent of Berkshire’s holdings on the Tokyo market, Buffett says additional investments in Japan are “always a matter of consideration.” The five trading houses are his current focus but “there are always a few I’m thinking about.” This is his first trip to Japan since August 2011.

The trading houses are a kind of conglomerate specific to Japan, dating to the mid-1800s and Japan’s period of reopening to the world as the reign of the isolationist Tokugawa shogunate ended. The earliest trading houses were zaibatsu family-run conglomerates, with the trading house operating in-house to supply goods, transport and finance to the group’s various businesses. After World War II, another cluster of trading companies formed in the Kansai region to deal in commodities such as textiles or steel.

The trading houses played a major role in the overseas expansion of “Japan Inc.” in the 1980s, helping source goods and provide financing for companies that weren’t all that experienced internationally because of Japan’s 200+ years of closure to the outside world. As Japanese companies became more comfortable with their own overseas operations, the trading houses boosted their business in insurance, transportation, property development and project management — very much lines of business that Buffett likes.

The global scope of the conglomerates and the similarities with his own holding company are not lost on Buffett. “We feel that these five companies are a cross-section of not only Japan but of the world,” he says. “They really are so much similar to Berkshire. They own a lot of different things.”

However, the trading houses are perpetually lowballed in valuation, trading under 10x forward earnings, some would say for a reason. They are so diversified that they are hard to categorize, and critics contend their very nature is an oddity of Japanese history that no longer serves a purpose. Growth has been hard to come by for these giants, while their core operations are open to disruption to trade such as we’ve seen in the wake of the pandemic and due to the war in Ukraine.

Marubeni and Sumitomo in particular took write-downs to their operations in Russia during the tax year that ran through March. Profits when they come out are expected to drop for all five trading houses due to Russian disruption and pandemic effects.

On the plus side for a value investor like Buffett, the trading houses have been engaging in share buybacks, increasing the value of existing shares. And they pay very solid dividends indeed, as high as 5.01% for Sumitomo.

The share prices of the trading houses have all blossomed since Buffett bought into them. Part of that is the effect of other investors following Buffett’s lead. In the past year, both Marubeni and Mitsui are up by more than 30%, while Mitsubishi has advanced 15.6%.

They’ve all basked in Buffett light in the past two days. Itochu is up 4.8%, Marubeni is up 7.7%, Mitsubishi is up 4.4%, Mitsui is up 5.1% and Sumitomo is up 6.0%.

Buffett also discussed the sell-down of Berkshire’s stake in Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Corp., the world’s largest chip foundry. Berkshire bought more than US$4 billion in TSMC stock between July and September 2022. But it ditched 85% of that holding in quick order, an unusual move for Buffett, who typically likes to retain core holdings for years if not decades. By the end of 2022, however, Berkshire held only US$617 million in TSMC stock.

Buffett said geopolitical tensions are a “consideration” in the divestment. He believes that TSMC is well-managed but that Berkshire has better places to deploy its capital.

One reason investors have been particularly excited about what Buffett has to say in Japan is that Berkshire Hathaway is marketing another offering of yen-denominated bonds. It’s expected to price those this week.

Berkshire did the same thing three years ago before buying the stakes in the trading houses. One underwriter told the Nikkei that these new bonds will be used to roll over existing debt. But savvy Buffett doesn’t like to tip his hand before he plays it. Watch for any indication that the money is going toward other companies in Japan, which would be sure to get a stock-price boost from the Buffett seal of approval.

Biden Promises U.S. Military Will Defend Taiwan if Attacked

Surprising even his own staff, the U.S. president overshadowed the launch of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity.

The response from U.S. President Joe Biden came firm and clear. Would the United States get involved militarily to defend Taiwan, a move it has avoided so carefully in Ukraine?

“Yes,” Biden said bluntly in Tokyo on Monday. The reporter who asked the question, not quite believing her ears, says “You are?”

“That’s the commitment we made. That’s the commitment we made,” he repeated.

With that statement, Biden ensured that today’s unveiling of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, his signature commercial pact in Asia, would be overshadowed by defense. A country accused of presenting “all guns and no butter” delivered a large shipment of both.

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It’s the second time recently that Biden has spoken off the cuff about a U.S. military response to an invasion of Taiwan and replied in much the same way. During a town hall event last October, he was asked if the United States would come to Taiwan’s defense if it was attacked by China. “Yes,” Biden replied. “We have a commitment to that.”

It is a change in tack. U.S. presidents always dodge the question of whether the U.S. military would defend Taiwan. They hide behind “strategic ambiguity,” fudging that they uphold the “One China policy,” which is deliberately vague.

China insists on the “One China principle,” one key word of difference, stating that the Beijing government is the only legitimate government in China, which includes Taiwan. On the U.S. side, the “One China policy” recognizes the Beijing government as the legal government of China, but only “acknowledges” China’s position that China also includes Taiwan, without agreeing that it’s true.

Confused? You should be. It allows the United States to keep Beijing sweet while maintaining unofficial relations with Taiwan. The U.S. stance was first stipulated in 1972, when then-president Richard Nixon used the “One China policy” as a way to say “You sort this one out” to the Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait while doing business with both.

But Biden was very clear. The United States military would defend Taiwan if China invades it. Or in diplomat-speak, “any unilateral effort to change the status quo using force.”

It has become a more pressing issue after Russia invaded Ukraine, which Russian President Vladimir Putin says should be part of Russian soil. White House officials scurried today just as they did back in October to walk back Biden’s comments on Taiwan, asserting that there’s no change in U.S. policy. But you could say that under Biden, it is becoming more clear. A Chinese military invasion would be met with a U.S. military response.

China bristles

Not surprisingly, Beijing was furious in its response to Biden’s statement. “The Taiwan question is purely China’s affair,” a foreign affairs spokesman said. “There is no room for compromise or concession.”

China urges the United States to stand by the “One China principle,” using that word of difference again, and to “refrain from sending wrong signals to Taiwan separatist forces to avoid causing grave damage to bilateral relations.”

Biden first hinted at this change last August, when the United States withdrew from Afghanistan. He promised “we would respond” to an attack against a fellow member of NATO, adding “same with Japan, same with South Korea, same with Taiwan.” Taiwan had never before been presented with the same kind of promise of defense as those other allies.

Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, speaking alongside Biden today, was also asked how his country would respond if China invades Taiwan. He beat around the bush, like leaders always do. Japan is equally ambiguous on the status of Taiwan.

“We asserted the importance of peace and stability of the Taiwan Strait, and the peaceful resolution of the Taiwan issue,” Kishida said, adding that there is no change in the “fundamental position” of the United States and Japan.

“In Asia, we are against any unilateral effort to change the status quo using force,” Kishida added. “In Asia, peace and stability must be upheld and defended.”

That last word, “defended,” may also represent a very subtle shift by Japan, since we are parsing sentences today. Japan is increasing its “self-defense” forces, having agreed to a pacifist constitution after World War II that forbids it fighting a war. But it has 105 U.S. fighter jets on order, the F-35 Lightning, and in March launched the first of 22 new Mogami class stealth frigate ships as it beefs up its capability to respond to threats overseas.

Kishida told Biden that Tokyo is ready to take a more robust defensive stance, including the ability to retaliate. That will include a “considerable increase” in the Japanese defense budget, Kishida said.

As for the Framework…

Today was supposed to be the big unveiling of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity. It’s a kind of Trans-Pacific Partnership-lite, after the U.S. withdrawal from the TPP trade deal in 2017.

The exact roster of the 13 participating nations was a secret until today. They are the United States and Japan, together with Australia, Brunei, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand and Vietnam.

The IPEF is so far light on trade, and light on detail. The framework looks to build on four pillars: the Connected Economy, concentrating on digitization, including cross-border standards for data flows; the Resilient Economy, improving supply chains; the Clean Economy focusing on clean energy and decarbonization; and the Fair Economy, to enact and enforce standards on taxation and transparency and against money laundering and bribery.

We will see where it heads. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan says not having trade in the agreement at all “is a feature of IPEF, not a bug.” It’s a deal intended to reflect a services-dominant, data-driven world.

While the United States says the IPEF is an open framework that other nations can join, it is presented as an alternative to Chinese interests in the region. It’s also an attempt at economic reintegration with Asia after a period of withdrawal.

“Especially as businesses are beginning to increasingly look for alternatives to China, the countries in the Indo-Pacific Framework will be more reliable partners for U.S. businesses,” U.S. Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo said in outlining the deal. She calls it a “turning point in restoring U.S. economic leadership in the region, and presenting Indo-Pacific countries an alternative to China’s approach to these critical issues.”

For now, though, negotiations are only just launching for the IPEF. There are no firm commitments or agreements, with today only the “starting gate,” in the words of Raimondo.

Taiwan, pointedly, is not part of IPEF. The United States says it will deepen bilateral trade ties with the island instead.

Next up: The Quad Squad

There will also be a meeting on Tuesday in Tokyo of the leaders of the Quad, the “Asia Pacific democracies” partnership consisting of the United States, Japan, India and Australia. Biden will also meet one-on-one with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the new Aussie leader.

New Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, from the center-left Labor Party, has been swiftly sworn in so that he can fly to Japan to take part. It looks likely that Albanese will gain the 76 parliamentary seats necessary – the party is ahead in 78 races – for him to govern without forming a coalition. If not, he must make a deal with climate-minded independents and/or members of the Green Party for support.

Outgoing Liberal leader Scott Morrison had accused Albanese of being weak on China. Albanese will be accompanied in Tokyo by new Australian foreign minister Penny Wong, who is Malaysian Chinese by background. All eyes will be on how Albanese handles Australia’s current antagonistic relationship with China and what he has called a Chinese Communist Party that is more “forward-leaning” and “aggressive.”

“Butter and guns” were also both on display in Biden’s two-day trip to South Korea, where he visited both a Samsung Electronics factory and the Osan Air Base. It was at Osan, now a U.S. Air Force base, where U.S. troops were first deployed in the Korean War, with “Task Force Smith” fighting the Battle of Osan in 1950 as their first engagement with North Korean troops.

New South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol has agreed with Biden to explore ways to expand joint military exercises that always infuriate North Korea. The two presidents appear to be taking a tougher stance on North Korea, with Biden saying at the air base that they pledged “our readiness to take on all threats together.”

Would Biden meet with the North Korean leader, Kim Jong-un? “That would depend on whether he is sincere, and whether he is serious,” Biden said. We’ll have to take the U.S. president at his word.

Biden Visits Korea and Japan With Rare Opportunity

On his first Asia spin as president, Joe Biden will find a surprisingly warm welcome, and is due to launch an economic framework for US-Asia relations.

Joe Biden is today starting his first Asia trip as U.S. president, visiting South Korea and Japan with an unusual opportunity to cement alliances with these key Asia Pacific democracies. He will be mindful all the time of the threats presented by a nuclearized North Korea and by China, with its promise to conquer Taiwan, by force if necessary.

I’m watching Biden’s first steps in Korea, where he has made a Samsung Electronics chip factory in Pyeongtaek his first stop. Samsung chief Jay Lee has been excused from attending his accounting-fraud trial to take Biden on a tour, where they’re joined by new South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol. Samsung in November announced a US$17 billion chip factory near Austin, Texas, and is showing off its advanced 3-nanometer chips for the first time on Biden’s visit.

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During his five-day Asia stay, Biden will find fertile ground to forge friendships with new U.S.-friendly leaders in both Tokyo and Seoul, arguably the best opportunity in two decades to do so. Rivals China and North Korea, meanwhile, are both battling Covid-19 outbreaks that undermine domestic popularity for the leadership in Beijing and Pyongyang.

Still, U.S. and South Korean intelligence suggests that North Korea may well test another long-range intercontinental ballistic missile during Biden’s visit, or possibly even conduct its first nuclear-bomb test since 2017. Biden cancelled an intended trip to the demilitarized zone between the two Koreas, and there’s been no progress on denuclearization talks since he became president.

Biden arrives in Asia at a time that leaders have newly taken office who have pledged to improve relations with the United States. Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida moved into the Kantei on October 4, while Yoon was inaugurated on May 10. Yoon may push for South Korea to join “the Quad,” the alliance of Pacific democracies that currently consists of the United States, Japan, Australia and India.

The U.S. president is due for a summit with Yoon on Saturday, then will fly to Tokyo on the next day, where he is set to launch the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework on Monday, May 23. The framework is a U.S.-led initiative designed to counter criticism that the United States has focused only on security issues in Asia. China champions the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership free-trade deal that went into effect with 14 other Asia Pacific nations on January 1. But the United States has been accused of an “all guns and no butter” approach.

The “IPEF” is very vague and in its early days. An early draft obtained by the Financial Times shows that member nations have agreed only to “launch negotiations” on trade. But even that assertion may be watered down in a planned two-page statement simply to say the countries are starting consultations that could lead to negotiations that might amount to something. Phew. The language was literally being finalized on the Air Force One flight to Seoul.

Biden is attempting to undo some of the damage done when former president Donald Trump pulled out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, an executive order Trump literally signed on Day 1 when he took office in January 2017. Kishida in Tokyo will likely nudge Biden to consider rejoining the recast 11-nation partnership, which Japan had championed, although there’s been no indication the United States is considering that.

The IPEF will be a weak TPP substitute. It does not include any improved access to U.S. markets for Asian nations, whereas the TPP promised free-market access for many goods. But the IPEF will attempt to address infrastructure, supply-chain resilience, clean energy, and digital trade. Kishida will join Biden at the unveiling, with South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines and Singapore likely to join Japan and the United States in the deal.

Biden will then attend a Quad summit in Tokyo on May 24. The four-way partnership has risen in profile since it was rebooted in 2017, having been on hiatus since Australia withdrew in 2008 in a bid to improve Aussie relations with China. How things have changed. Australia is once again “all-in” on the Quad, and is now instead embroiled in trade disputes with China, which it has also accused of meddling in domestic politics to the extent of attempting to get a Beijing “agent” elected to national office.

The Quad, whose leaders met in person in September at the White House, has made progress on public health with the Quad Vaccine Partnership, pledging 1.2 billion vaccine doses globally, and on infrastructure. It has also formed a coordination group to “deliver transparent, high-standards infrastructure” in the region, a response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative. It is also working on green energy, lower-emissions shipping and high-tech supply chains for goods like semiconductors.

But it has yet to make much obvious headway in handling the military threat China poses in the Pacific. Beijing has basically gotten away with its island-building program to construct missile, naval and air-force bases on islands in the South China Sea. There’s been deadly conflict on the Himalayan border between Indian and Chinese troops, where China has again built structures in contested no-man’s land.

Most recently, Australia in particular has been alarmed by a security pact China has struck with the Solomon Islands, which could see Chinese troops based in the island nation. U.S. officials have said they would need to respond to any deployment of Chinese paramilitary troops to a country that saw heavy fighting on Guadalcanal during World War II, after Japan built naval and air bases there. Aussie defense minister Peter Dutton said in response to the China-Solomon security pact agreed in April that “Australia should prepare for war,” claiming China is “on a very deliberate course at the moment.”

The leadership in Canberra is in question. Australia holds national elections on Saturday, in which it is mandatory to vote. The opposition, left-leaning Labor Party holds a very slight edge over the conservative Liberal Party, and its unpopular Prime Minister Scott Morrison, or “ScoMo.” If there’s a change in leadership, it’ll be a scurry to take part in the IPEF signing and the Quad summit, with Biden due to meet the leaders of India and Australia on the sidelines.

Unusually, a group of around 25 independent candidates known as the “teals,” almost all women with successful careers, may hold the balance of power in Australia. Inaction on climate change has fueled frustration with the “gray-haired men fighting for power,” as Damien Cave put it in The New York Times, in a country that produces the world’s highest levels of coal-generated greenhouse gas per person, and that faces devastating now-annual bushfires and floods.

One of Biden’s key differences from his predecessor on the foreign-policy front is his ability to forge multinational diplomatic alliances. He held a summit at the White House on May 12-13 for the leaders of the nine Southeast Asian nations in ASEAN, at which they agreed to strengthen economic ties, improve health security, collaborate on smart manufacturing and develop renewable energy. Most pointedly, they pledged maritime cooperation and to maintain “the South China Sea as a sea of peace, stability and prosperity,” noteworthy since China claims almost all of that sea as its own territory.

Biden noted a joint desire to see an Indo-Pacific that is “free and open, stable and prosperous, and resilient and secure.” The United States committed US$150 million in infrastructure initiatives with ASEAN op top of support of US$100 million made after Vice President Kamala Harris visited Southeast Asia in August.

Former president Donald Trump alienated just about everyone, and championed an isolationist policy of the United States going it alone. He opted to skip ASEAN meetings when he was in power. Given Trump’s antagonism toward NATO, which he repeatedly hit up for money, it is hard to imagine him having any success calling on Europe to present a united diplomatic front against Russia after its invasion of Ukraine. Then-German chancellor Angela Merkel was pretty upfront with her disdain for Trump; French President Emanuel Macron backed off their early “bromance,” saying the lack of U.S. leadership under Trump had led to NATO’s “brain death.”

Trump saved his warmest words for hardmen dictators like Russian President Vladimir Putin, describing Putin’s early moves in Ukraine as “genius.” Putin “was a friend of mine,” Trump told the golfer John Daly in March. “I got along great with him.” His attempts to curry favor with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un led to a great photo op as Trump became the first U.S. president to step across onto North Korean soil, but ultimately produced no progress on the diplomatic front.

Trump also criticized the “horrible” terms of trade with South Korea. He took Japan to task for not buying enough U.S. autos, while ignoring that many American models are way too big for Japanese streets. That informed a decision to impose higher tariffs on Japanese steel. Trump criticized Japan and South Korea, too, for failing to pay enough for the U.S. troops stationed on their soil.

The Biden administration rolled back the Trump-era tariffs on Japanese steel as of April 1. With this first Asia spin, Biden will be hoping to strengthen U.S. influence across the Pacific, both in terms of the economy and the security of the region. These first small steps may help improve the direction of U.S.-Asia policy, after many Asian nations began to sense that Washington was retreating from Asia. The United States, and its leader, are back here in Asia again.

Will Asia Catch Back Up in 2022?

For Asia, 2021 was tease. It was a year that often promised something better, only to deliver everything worse. It’s hard to escape the feeling at the end of the year that we are back in much the same position as when it began.

This story originally appeared on Jan. 3, 2021 on TheStreet.com and its subscription service Real Money. Click here for the original story.

Will 2022 see the Asia Pacific region finally escape its cycle of opening up, then locking down again? There were tentative attempts to welcome foreign visitors once again in countries like Thailand, Vietnam and Indonesia. That gave way to a hellish pattern of waves of virus washing over the region, with all the travel bans, curfews and stay-at-home orders that unfold in response. Asia’s production schedules and shipments have been heavily disrupted as a result.

China persists in its zero-Covid strategy, an ultimately impractical approach that is exported to Hong Kong as East Asia’s financial hub attempts to open the mainland borders. Anyone returning from overseas must spend three weeks in an expensive hotel. China will likely maintain its position at least until the “coronation” of President Xi Jinping for a third term. That will come in the power reshuffling confirmed during the weeklong 20th National Congress, the latest in a series of once-every-five-years major meetings that is due to happen in October or November. March will see the growth target set at the annual National People’s Congress.

Before that, the Beijing winter Olympics will go ahead from February 4-20 in front of Chinese spectators, if all goes to plan. The winter events will make Beijing the first city to host both summer and winter games. But the political undercurrents are strong. The Olympics will go ahead minus diplomatic delegations from the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and Australia, in protest of the human-rights violations in China’s westernmost Xinjiang province, and the death of civic society here in Hong Kong. China says those politicians weren’t invited in the first place…

Other governments in the Asia Pacific region, led in this regard by Singapore, Australia and New Zealand, appear willing to try something other than “zero Covid.” Ratchet up the vaccine rate, do your best to protect and triple-jab the vulnerable, and learn to “live with Covid.” This seems the sensible approach.

When you look at the 26.9% gain for the S&P 500 in 2021, the 21.0% gains for the Eurozone stocks in the Euro Stoxx 50 index, and the 14.3% advance in London’s FTSE 100 index, it has been a disappointing year for Asian equities. There’s scope for them to gain ground in relative terms.

The S&P Asia Pacific Broad Market Index, which tracks developed markets in Asia, posted a loss for 2021, down 0.6%. But that was a better showing than the S&P Asia Pacific Emerging BMI, which netted a 2.3% decline for the year. China-linked plays had a torrid time.

There were solid gains for the Tokyo market, with the broad Topix index up 10.4% for the year. But it was a tougher time for export-oriented companies, as reflected in the poorer 4.9% showing for the Nikkei 225, which tracks big-caps and multinationals. Those kinds of companies should benefit in the year ahead from a weaker yen, as the Fed boosts the dollar by raising rates.

I’ve indicated before that the Japan market will be a safe haven in 2022. We can be certain that the central Bank of Japan will maintain its exceedingly easy monetary policy, with Japanese interest rates still negative at -0.10%. Inflation is not a concern, as yet, in Japan – in fact, it is desirable. The central bank and the government have struggled to achieve a 2% inflation target since setting that as a goal way back in 2013.

The Japanese economy should post strong (for it) growth of 3.2% in 2022, according to IMF estimates, up from 2.4% last year. It’s a similar pace of growth as you’d find in South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore, all typically more dynamic in recovery mode. Underpinning it all, the Japanese government under new Prime Minister Fumio Kishida passed a record US$490 billion stimulus spending package in November, bucking the trend toward tapering in other developed markets.

Value Partners, the Hong Kong-based asset manager, indicates that “investor sentiment towards Japan remains weak, and needs time to pick up,” it states in its 2022 market outlook. “Corporate earnings will likely continue to recover and we view that Japan will be one of the very few countries that will continue to have earnings upgrades.”

Australian stocks also delivered steady if not stellar performance, with the S&P/ASX 200 index up 13.0%. “With pent-up demand following Q3 lockdowns, a high vaccination rate, elevated confidence and rebounding mobility, the stage is set for a strong six months” in Australia, Nomura predicts in its global economic outlook for 2022.

Singapore’s Straits Times index didn’t quite post double-digit gains, up 9.8% in 2021. Like Australia, Singapore is now exceptionally poised having vaccinated the vast majority of its populace. The jobs market is improving, while the strength of high-end manufacturing and pharmaceuticals should stand the city-state in good stead for the year ahead. It’s a likely outperformer.

The problems with supply chains globally hurt South Korea, where the Kospi advanced only 3.6% all year. Despite the heavy influence of semiconductor producers on the Seoul market, electronics- and tech-related exporters did not experience the stellar kind of year they had in 2020, when the world couldn’t get enough gadgets to keep people company in lockdown.

Korea will have presidential elections in March, which add an element of uncertainty to the market. The central Bank of Korea also became the first in Asia to raise rates back in August, did so again in November, and will likely continue to tighten throughout 2022 to combat rising prices and home-price inflation. Rates may rise to 1.5% by the end of the year. That makes it a hard market to like for now, with South Korea’s highly indebted population sure to struggle under straightened circumstances. There’s pressure on the Seoul home market, where prices have doubled in the last five years.

The strongest showing in Asia came in India, where the Sensex posted a 21.7% gain for 2021, with the Nifty 50 up 23.8%. In fact, it’s been a very strong showing by the Mumbai market since the original depths of the first wave of Covid back in March 2020. The Indian market has more than doubled since then, with the Sensex up 111.1%.

That’s come on the back of breakneck growth, the world’s strongest major economy with a pace of 9.5% in 2021, likely to moderate to 8.5% in 2022. Reflecting that slowdown, Indian equities have flagged since mid-October, down 5.7% in the last 10 weeks of the year, so there’s no surging strength to carry them into the new year.

“While India enjoys a long-term secular bull market with expanding new-economy sectors, and is still in the upward profit cycle, we are cautious as valuations are at extreme levels versus the rest of Asia,” Value Partners notes.

Taiwan also outperformed as a market, a rare year when it did not move in lockstep with South Korea. The Taiex index added 23.7%, with electronics makers booking strong orders. Taiwanese companies also benefitted from sanctions and restrictions on some mainland Chinese manufacturers. In Taipei, retail traders became very active in the market, and have not been hampered by the higher rates seen in Korea. The Taiwanese central bank may start to raise rates next year, which could stem the tide of retail flows.

There was a narrow 0.2% loss in the Philippines, where the process of vaccinating 110 million people across 7,000 islands proving exceptionally difficult. The task is even more trying in the world’s largest archipelago, Indonesia, with the world’s fourth-largest population of 274 million people spread across 17,000 islands.

The commodities boom and increased digitalization of the Indonesian economy drove the Jakarta market up 10.1% in 2021. Vaccination rates and the success of “back to normal” business will dictate the future direction of equities in both island nations this year.

More than anything, 2021 became the year that the full vulnerability of investors in China was exposed. A series of sudden, overnight regulatory actions made it eminently clear that the Chinese Communist Party puts its own interests and its diktats over the Chinese people far above any common capitalist concerns about investor protection.

First, the for-profit tutoring industry was essentially banned. Then young people were restricted to at most three hours of videogame playing over the weekend. Next came an assault on Big Tech, with all China’s largest tech companies called in for a dressing down, and ordered to change their ways. Most recently, the country has started revising its securities laws to restrict how and where Chinese companies can go public.

Caught in the crossfire were the poor investors who bought into the “China story,” such as those who subscribed to the international offering of DiDi Global, the Chinese ride-haling market leader. Its business should be a huge growth market – scratch that, it is a huge growth market. But DiDi ran afoul of rules that didn’t exist, fulfilling the requirements of securities regulators for a foreign listing but failing to appease the newly-powerful, previously obscure cyberspace-security review office.

DiDi saw its apps stripped from Chinese app stores, and was barred from signing up new customers. That tanked its business, with the company last week posting a US$6.3 billion loss for the first nine months of the year. And it tanked its stock, an immediate descent days after its June 30 listing that leaves it down 64.8% as of the end of the year.

So it was Chinese and Hong Kong stocks that saw the most-pessimistic mood all year. The CSI 300 index of the largest stocks in Shanghai and Shenzhen fell 5.2% over the course of 2021.

Life was even worse here in Hong Kong, where the much-hated National Security Law continues to be used to pound pro-democracy activity, and anyone deemed “anti-patriotic.” The benchmark, the Hang Seng index, plunged 14.1% over the last 12 months.

Hong Kong’s mix of overseas-inclined Chinese companies, in particular those that also have U.S. listings, drew it down. The city also has a hefty influence from Chinese property developers. Many of those are in or on the brink of default, led by China Evergrande Group, which lost virtually all its value, down 88.8% over the last 12 months.

Hong Kong has been my home for the last 20 years, but it’s terrible to see it suffer so. We are walled in by excessive quarantine, treated to an East Germany-style police state, and are losing the international attractiveness that a once-free city has surrendered.

In Beijing, there is no sign that Chinese regulators will ease up their pressure on overleveraged developers. President Xi has cast scorn on investor-owners, repeating his insistence that “Houses are for living in, not for speculation.” This flies in the face of conventional wisdom, where the incredible unpredictability of the stock market leads anyone with any money to look to invest it in property, first and foremost.

Not that consolidation will be a bad thing in the long run in the property industry. There are too many Chinese developers, 103,262 of them as of 2020, the last count by Statista, a number that grew 21.1% in a decade. Fly-by-night behavior and overborrowing to fund rapid development drove land prices sky high, and homes in the biggest cities are the domain only of the wealthy.

But it is a painful correction as the model is disrupted of pre-selling flats off plan, then racing through development to the next project. Local and provincial governments have based their budgets on aggressive land sales projections, too, so there’s desperation at that level and reports of deep wage cuts among local Communist Party officials.

I don’t see any way to recommend Chinese stocks in 2022, except as a completely contrarian or bottom-feeding play. They are too unpredictable at this stage. Someone is going to make a lot of money when Alibaba Group Holding rebounds. It’s an extremely profitable company that saw its share price fall 47.8% in 2021 in a move that had nothing to do with its fundamentals. But a bet on the company is essentially a bet on what kinds of regulations the Chinese government will implement, without warning. It is not your conventional rebound story.

If you know what social changes Beijing is going to push next, and which companies it will target, perhaps you can make that kind of call. If not, there are better places to invest your money where you can be sure your ownership is valued, protected, and means something.

Hong Kong Stocks Stagger Into 2022 as World’s Worst Performer

Hong Kong was the worst performing major stock market not only in Asia but the entire world in 2021. The hamstrung Hang Seng index hobbled into year end. It’s astonishing to see a major financial hub’s market down almost 15% in what was supposed to be a year of recovery, when U.S. markets and others have been touching record highs.

This story first appeared on TheStreet.com and its subscription service, Real Money. Click here for the original story.

The Hong Kong stock market’s increasing influence from Chinese tech explains part of the underperformance. Then there’s real estate, a mainstay of the local market but beaten down by the sharp falls in mainland Chinese developers. And equally, the depressing disappearance of the city’s civic freedoms are to blame.

The Hang Seng index plunged 14.1% last year. It is far out of step with the double-digit gains in Australia (up 13.0%), Japan’s Topix index (up 10.4%), Indonesia (up 10.1%), and the majorly outperforming markets in Taiwan (up 23.7%) and India (up 21.7%).

There are smaller gains, true, in Singapore (up 9.8%), South Korea (up 3.6%), with the Philippines essentially flat (0.2% lower for 2021), and losses in New Zealand (down 0.4%) and Malaysia (down 3.7%).

Chinese markets also ended in the red. It is internationally focused Chinese companies that are experiencing the rot. The Hang Seng China Enterprises Index is made up exclusively of Chinese companies that are listed in Hong Kong but that do not trade inside mainland China. It was down a startling 23.8% in 2021, a sharp contrast with home-listed Chinese companies.

It’s a reflection of the rising pressure from Beijing for Chinese companies to “return back home” in terms of their listing. Didi Global (DIDI) is the unwitting poster child for that category of company. The ride-hailing market leader in China was pressured into delisting from the New York Stock Exchange under duress from Beijing. It was barred from signing new customers after its June 30 IPO, leaving its shares now 66.2% below the listing price. It said at the start of this month that it will abandon the NYSE and attempt to list in Hong Kong, as I explained at the time.

Most of the tech companies listed in Hong Kong have U.S. listings that are sure to be equally unpopular with the Chinese Communist Party. Until they abandon them, there’s the suspicion their shares can be hurt by drastic action. U.S. authorities are also acting to bar foreign companies if they don’t file accounts that can be inspected by U.S. regulators – a move that Chinese law suggests would be illegal. It’ll take a regulatory huddle across the Pacific to sort that one out.

Meanwhile, Hong Kong’s market remains in limbo. It should rebound once any penalties that Beijing is levying on Big Tech are laid down, and if the U.S. listing issue can be resolved. If and when that happens, there could be a swing in the order of 20% to 30% – the Hong Kong market’s underperformance this year – but this is a regulatory issue, not one driven by fundamentals. A policy change could be announced overnight in Beijing, or Washington. Or not.

Then there are the ongoing social problems in Hong Kong. Britain says 88,000 Hong Kongers have taken up its offer of a residence visa through September, after the program began in January. A record number of Hong Kongers have emigrated, to the United States, Australia, Canada, Singapore and New Zealand and other popular destinations.

British Foreign Secretary Liz Truss just delivered the six-month report that Britain compiles twice a year to cover the state of play in Hong Kong. It is damning in its condemnation of the oppression of citizens by the Hong Kong puppet government and the Chinese Communist Party above it.

In particular, a much-hated National Security Law went into effect on June 30, 2020, imposed directly from Beijing rather than having any input from Hong Kong’s people or their representatives. But the local authorities – the police, the courts, the administration of Chief Executive Carrie Lam, and the shadowy National Security Office – have abused it to persecute any and all of Beijing’s perceived enemies.

The media is under attack, sometimes literally. Unions, civic groups and student unions have been forced to disband. There’s an informant’s hotline, East Germany-style, for you to rat on your neighbors if you think they’re not patriotic enough. You can feed through information, photos, audio clips and video files if you want to report a violation of the National Security Law, which is so vague that popular protest slogans can land you in jail.

Britain notes that any contact by its politicians with anyone in Hong Kong is often construed by Beijing and the Hong Kong government as “foreign collusion.” This can involve the simplest diplomatic contact, and in fact Beijing’s critics are dubbed to be “colluding” with, well, anyone that they contact overseas. The Hong Kong government and China frequently refer to shady “foreign forces,” which sounds like an army, or the CIA, but can equally mean the World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts. They never identify who these “foreign forces” are.

Hong Kong is preparing to hold joke elections on December 19. They’re a sham designed to pretend there’s any semblance of democracy in the city. But no pro-democracy candidates are running – they’re not allowed to, since only pre-screened “patriots” who support the mainland government and the Chinese Communist Party can take part.

The vast majority of opposition politicians have either gone into exile, or are in jail. The city’s most-popular newspaper, the pro-democracy tabloid Apple Daily, was forced to shut down when its accounts were frozen and its top executives arrested. On Monday, the newspaper’s founder, Jimmy Lai, was sentenced to 13 months in prison for attending a vigil honoring those who died in the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre. Hong Kong used to mark the June 4 anniversary with a memorial service attended by thousands of people. It has been banned the last two years, under the pretense that it would violate Covid-19 protocols.

Lai, who was sentenced alongside seven other pro-democracy leaders, is already in prison. He was convicted of inciting people to participate in a rally for a cause that is, at least on paper, legal to celebrate. But the police didn’t approve the vigil – for political reasons they pretend are all about public health. A hand-picked judge doing Beijing’s bidding, Amanda Woodcock, insists there’s a need for “deterrent” sentences due to the disruption to public order and the way those attending “belittled” a public-health threat. She insists those convicted thought the Tiananmen Square massacre commemoration was “more important than protecting the community.”

They thought nothing of the sort. Lai wrote a mitigation letter that you can find here. Any punishment will see him share the “burden and the glory” of those who shed their blood to proclaim truth, justice and goodness. “May the power of love of the meek prevail over the power of destruction of the strong,” he says.

These social issues bubble away, a poisonous undercurrent beneath society. It is the issues over U.S. listings that have depressed the city’s stock market this year, not to mention the forced deleveraging of the Chinese property industry. Hong Kongers will remain depressed as long as they’re oppressed by the dictatorship sitting atop them.

Have I Been Given a Dodgy Pfizer Shot in Hong Kong?

Lies, damn lies, and statistics in the vaccine age, as Hong Kong and Macau stop administering the Pfizer/BioNTech drug.

This story first appeared on TheStreet.com on Wednesday, March 24, 2021.

I’ve been given a dodgy vaccine dose.

Hong Kong and Macau have today suspended delivery of the Pfizer/BioNTech/Fosun shots. The Chinese local distributor, Fosun, requested the halt of the first batch of the vaccine to reach these shores. Batch 210102 consists of 585,000 doses. Eight days ago, I got one.

The markets moved on the suspension. The Hang Seng Index opened slightly lower after yesterday’s 0.8% drop in the S&P 500. But as morning word broke of the vaccine halt, the Hang Seng faltered, ending Wednesday down 2.0% at its lowest level in more than 10 weeks. The Hong Kong benchmark is now in a technical correction. It has fallen 10% since a February 17 peak.

Now, I’m not too worried. About the vaccine, at least. I’m worried the negative news will delay shots getting into arms, and ultimately the economic opening up of Hong Kong and Asia in general.

There have been reports of “more than 50” instances of defective packaging for the Pfizer drug made by front-line nursing staff. Those reported defects include cracks in the tops of the glass vials, leaks, or stains on the outside. There’s no apparent safety threat.

The defective doses have been thrown out. Fosun, which received the packaging complaints, wrote to the governments in Hong Kong and Macau, telling them to suspend use of the drug as a precaution. It’s undecided how long the suspension will last. Fosun distributes the drug in China, while Pfizer sends it around the rest of the world.

The sudden halting of the BioNTech vaccine will raise further doubts in the minds of a Hong Kong public that is already highly skeptical about getting inoculated, as I explained before I got my shot. The Pfizer/BioNTech drug is one of only two available so far in Hong Kong. The administration of the Chinese-made Sinovac vaccine can continue.

We need to be very careful about how we respond to such reports. The tendency, as I exaggerated at the start of this article, is to think “Oooh, vaccine, dodgy.” AstraZeneca (AZN) is contending with far worse such misperceptions. The authorities should investigate if the Pfizer doses already administered have had the right strength.

I was, by chance, asked to provide some media training today for a major fund manager. The media coaching is something that I do very occasionally, when my corporate news sources request it. Here I was, giving the reporter’s eye view to companies administering their PR.

My early comments focused on three biases that are prevalent in today’s media: negative news bias (we remember bad news better), availability bias (we ascribe greater importance to news we’ve recently read) and confirmation bias (we seek out, by choice of news source or through algorithmic suggestions, news stories and data that support what we already believe).

The halting of the vaccines has Availability Bias written all over it. So, too, do the issues over the AstraZeneca jab concerning both blood clots in Europe and the veracity of its 79% efficacy rate.

An easy way of thinking about the combination of these biases: You never read about a plane that doesn’t crash.

It’s an exaggeration, we have all probably read a story about a pimped-out Gulfstream or a stealth bomber or two. We just remember the plane crashes.

Nevertheless, there have been an average of 14 fatal accidents for commercial and cargo planes globally per year over the last five years, according to the Aviation Safety Network, resulting in 345 deaths per year. In 2020, there were five commercial passenger-plane accidents, killing 299 people.

There were 42,060 people who died in vehicle crashes in the United States alone in 2020. The pandemic and empty roads seem to have encouraged reckless driving: the figure was up 8% over 2019, and the highest since 2007, even though people drove 13% less. What’s more, the fatality rate per 100 million miles driven spiked 24%, the largest annual jump ever, since the National Safety Council started collecting data in 1923. Speed, drugs and perhaps empty roads coupled with a deadly pandemic that encourage reckless behavior are factors.

Hardly anyone is afraid of hopping in a car. Plenty of people are terrified to fly. Yet even when you break it down into accidents per mile travelled, driving is far more dangerous.

It is far more dangerous to get Covid than to get a Covid vaccine. Covid is killing more than 20,000 people per week in Europe. Controversially, it might have been advisable for Europe to continue to give people the AstraZeneca vaccine even if they knew it was causing dangerous blood clots… but on further investigation, and to the best of our knowledge, it is not, anyway.

I need to write “to the best of our knowledge,” because we’re handling a health emergency in real time. The newly developed drugs involve vaccines developed in a year, when the process normally takes a decade. We have learnt a lot about Covid over the course of the pandemic, and will continue to learn about both it and the drugs designed to contain it.

Many European nations screeched to a halt with their AstraZeneca programs when the red flag was raised over concerns about suspiciously timed blood clots. At that time, there were 18 cases of cerebral sinus vein thrombosis, of which one was fatal, out of 20 million people vaccinated in Europe. That’s 0.00009% blood clots, and 0.000005% that were fatal.

Random chance determines that some people are going to get blood clots, and that seems to be what has been going on, although the clotting issue is still being investigated. In fact, the number of blood clots was lower than average in the general population, AstraZeneca says. But blood clots have become the plane crashes of the vaccine age.

Here in Hong Kong, I can tell you every single case of hospitalization after someone got a vaccine. On Monday, the latest info available, there were 20 people taken to hospital after receiving a dose, as this daily report outlines. “A female aged 58 suffered from dizziness,” one report starts. “A male aged 46 suffered from palpitation and increase in blood pressure,” another begins. “A female aged 20 suffered from loss of consciousness and abdominal pain,” and so on.

While this public record may be necessary, it also isn’t all that useful. What we want to know is, did the vaccine cause those effects? Did the person faint or get high blood pressure because they were stressed out? As a direct result of the drug? Because they don’t like needles? Or because they watched a scary movie on their phone while they waited?

Our Negative News Bias tells us it’s directly because of the vaccine drug. Our Availability Bias tells us everyone feels faint, when in fact 20 Hong Kongers had typically very minor reactions out of 23,400 people who got a dose that day: 0.085%. And we don’t even know why those 0.085% of people had that response. Confirmation bias tells anti-vaccers they were right all along.

The Hong Kong government reports that around 403,000 people have so far been vaccinated against Covid-19. Of those, 150,200 received the BioNTech vaccine, and 252,800 got the Sinovac jab. So about one-quarter of the original BioNTech Batch 210102 has been administered. The second Batch 210104 of 758,000 doses is all in storage.

The Sinovac numbers are higher because it was available first, and was for a while the only anti-Covid dose you could get. Mainland China is encouraging people to get a Chinese-made vaccine if they want streamlined entry to China, even though a Chinese vaccine is not available in many places, including the United States.

The BioNTech vaccine has been proving far more popular with the folks I know. Yesterday, about twice as many people signed up for the BioNTech/Pfizer shot as the Sinovac option. Its 95% efficacy figures are far higher than for Sinovac, which has variously been cited as 50.4% effective in Brazil, 65.3% in Indonesia and 91.3% in Turkey. The World Health Organization suggests a minimum efficacy of 50% – meaning 50 out of 100 people have total immunity – for a vaccine to be approved.

I’ve already indicated that I do not think the Sinovac drug should have been cleared in Hong Kong. The company has not released its clinical trials data to the public. It has not been properly peer reviewed. Hong Kong has broken its own public health rules to approve the drug, desperate to get a Chinese alternative into arms first before any “foreign” drug.

The 95% efficacy rate of the Pfizer/BioNTech drug has yet to be challenged. Should these defect reports dent its reputation in the public eye? According to the Hong Kong director of health, there have been eight incidents of cracked BioNTech vials, 22 air-pressure issues leading to leaks, 16 reports of vial seals being loose, and 11 cases of stains or marks on the outside.

That’s 57 incidents out of a batch of 585,500 doses. That’s a rate of 0.0097%. I like those odds. I’ve got an appointment to get my second dose three weeks after the first – assuming that this temporary halt in the vaccine program lifts.

It’s an appointment I intend to keep.

Australia Reportedly Faces Secret Trade Ban by China

This story first appeared on TheStreet.com.

https://realmoney.thestreet.com/politics/australia-reportedly-faces-secret-trade-ban-by-china-15481731

Is China punishing Australia by imposing a secret ban on a series of Aussie imports? That appears to be the case, with November 6 reportedly set as the day for the ban to begin.

Beijing has ordered a halt to the import of a wide range of Australia products, with at least seven product categories temporarily banned, according to a Bloomberg report citing “people familiar with the situation.”

The hit list would stop inbound shipments into China of coal, barley, copper ore and copper concentrate, sugar, timber, wine and lobster, the report states. The sources asked to remain anonymous because the information is sensitive.

Any temporary ban on commodities such as coal and copper would go much further than previous one-product restrictions, normally on high-profile consumer goods. China is Australia’s top trading partner, accounting for A$136 billion in imports into China in 2018, according to figures from the Australian government, with A$78 billion in Chinese goods heading the other way. That total two-way volume is up 35.8% since 2016.

Ore shipments explain why Australia punches above its weight as China’s sixth-largest source of imports, on par with Germany. Australia’s total trade ranks it as China’s 14th largest partner, matching the size of the Aussie economy.

China often changes visa restrictions for its citizens without any public notice. It often tries out policy changes in the securities industry by letting industry insiders experiment without any official announcement of a change in the rules to see how things go. And it occasionally restricts permissions for the import of certain specific goods in retaliation of perceived slights.

But China normally publicizes its punishments on trade. So it is unusual that Aussie exporters are in the dark on any trade ban about to come down.

The effects are already being felt.

Lobsters languish

Tons of live Australian lobsters have been left stranded on the tarmac of a Chinese airport, The Sydney Morning Herald reports, with customs clearance taking too long for the shellfish to reach restaurants before they are spoiled.

Australian Trade Minister Simon Birmingham says he knows about the reports of “customs clearance issues” on premium shellfish shipments into China. Paperwork suddenly becomes hard to come by if China wants to punish companies from a particular nation or multinational. So-called “health and reliance checks” have been holding up shipments into Shanghai, with China the destination for 94% of Australian rock lobster exports.

The trade minister said “discriminatory screening practices” imply a breach of World Trade Organization rules and a breach of the China-Australia Free Trade Agreement.

I doubt Beijing’s bigwigs are going to let that bother them. World Trade Organization (WTO) and United Nations rules and protocols are very useful when China wants something, less so when they don’t suit Beijing.

Virus vitriol

China and Australia are at odds diplomatically after Australia requested an independent investigation into the origins of the coronavirus. Australia has also sent its warships to participate in “freedom of navigation” trips through waters that China claims in the South China Sea.

China pushes dodgy evidence of centuries-old fishing trips by Chinese vessels as justification for a land grab over the oil-and-gas-rich waters right up to the shores of the Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia and Vietnam. All those nations are fighting China with legal challenges over their territorial rights.

The trade restrictions began in May, when China introduced heavy tariffs on Australian barley and suspended imports of beef from some Australian slaughterhouses.

China has since launched an investigation into whether Australia’s wine producers are dumping bottles at cut-rate prices on the Chinese market. The Australian cotton industry says Chinese spinning mills have been told to stop buying Australian cotton.

Pressure tactic

The China International Import Expo is taking place this week in Shanghai, at which President Xi Jinping sung the praises of international trade. Officially, China’s commerce ministry has denied that Australian goods are under a ban.

Trade analyst Jeffrey Wilson told The Guardian this is a classic example of “gray zone” diplomacy, where China is attempting to scare Australian companies over access to a key market, using trade to exert political pressure.

“The ambiguity is by design,” he says. “It’s not a trade war, it’s psychological war.”

Shares in Treasury Wines Estates fell 8% in Thursday trading in Sydney after the maker of Penfolds wines said China’s drinks industry is requesting Beijing to impose unprecedented retrospective tariffs on Australian wine already sold in China. That’s part of an anti-dumping investigation launched in August by China’s commerce ministry.

Spying spat, too

Besides their public diplomatic spats, China and Australia are also engaged in a clandestine fight over spying and undue political influence over Aussie politics.

Sunny Duong, a Chinese-Australian community organizer, on Thursday became the first person charged over foreign interference in Australian politics under new Australian national security laws. Duong, who heads the Oceania Federation of Chinese Organisations from Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos, has been a prominent donor to the pet projects of various Australian politicians.

There are no details as yet as to what Duong, who has been very public with his appearances alongside Australian politicians, is supposed to have done wrong. But the Australian Federal Police raided several properties in Melbourne on Oct. 16 in relation to the investigation.

Australia’s spy agency, the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO), has worked with the FBI-equivalent federal police on a counter foreign interference (CFI) taskforce in a year-long investigation.

“The CFI taskforce has taken preventative action to disrupt this individual at an early stage,” Australian Federal Police deputy commissioner Ian McCartney said, according to The Guardian. “Foreign interference is contrary to Australia’s national interest, it goes to the heart of our democracy. It is corrupting and deceptive, and goes beyond routine diplomatic influence practiced by governments.”

ASIO began warning in 2017 of Chinese influence attempts to control Australian politics through donations and sympathetic politicians.

In a blockbuster 2019 allegation, ASIO said it was investigating evidence that Beijing attempted to plant its operative as an elected official into the national Australian government. ASIO went public after news media broke the story. A Melbourne luxury car dealer, Bo “Nick” Zhao, reportedly told ASIO he was offered a “seven-figure sum” to run for government by a Chinese spy ring. Zhao was found dead in March 2019 from unexplained causes in a Melbourne hotel room.

As is typical, China has countered that Australia has been spying on China on a mass scale, instigating defections, spying on students and feeding false stories to the news media. A foreign ministry spokesman, Zhao Lijian, said in response to a report that Australia has tried to bug the Chinese embassy in Canberra that Australia is playing the “part of the victim, peddling rumors and stoking confrontation by staging a farce of the thief crying ‘stop thief.'”

Chinese exiles say they have faced intimidation from pro-Beijing squads while sheltering in Australia. It is a similar situation to what other Chinese exiles say has been happening in the United States. It appears these shadowy squads are sent to silence Beijing’s critics or force them to return to face Chinese courts through threats against their families in China or abroad.

Australia was the first country to ban the Chinese tech giant Huawei Technologies from involvement in the country’s 5G mobile phone network. It cited national security concerns.

However, China is particularly angry over Australia’s demand for an investigation into the roots of Covid-19. It has worked very hard behind the scenes to force concessions from the World Health Organization as to how it will investigate the virus, with the WHO leaving many key decisions to China, and hobbled in its attempts to send its own scientists to the virus epicenter in Wuhan.

Chinese Investors Doubt Trump’s Talk Over Virus ‘Proof’

It seems Chinese investors have called President Trump’s bluff.

Markets in Shanghai and Shenzhen resumed trade on Wednesday with early losses, after a five-day long weekend. That was the first time for investors to respond to renewed hostilities that again threaten China-U.S. trade.

But Chinese shares ended the day with modest gains. The CSI 300 blue-chip index rose 0.6%. Chinese punters are paying more attention to the likelihood of Chinese stimulus. The Communist Party is keen to keep its citizens happy ahead of its major political meeting now due to start on May 22. The central People’s Bank of China also appeased U.S. hawks by setting the Chinese yuan at a neutral rate, at 7.07 to the U.S. dollar.

At this stage, Trump’s attacks amount to hot air. In Chinese, we call it “blowing water,” or chit chat, idle talk.

Trump last Thursday threatened China with new tariffs. This week, U.S. Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin warned of “very significant consequences” if China doesn’t follow through on commitments to buy U.S. goods made in its “Phase 1” trade deal with the U.S. Those are worrying sounds here in Hong Kong, bashed last year by trade war winds.

On Tuesday, Trump said the U.S. is ready to dish the dirt about how a Chinese lab mishap led to Covid-19 cursing the world. He earlier told a reporter he has seen evidence that gives him a high degree of confidence that the virus originated from a Wuhan lab. But when asked what the evidence is, he said “I can’t tell you that. I’m not allowed to tell you that.”

Trump now says the U.S. will issue a full report on the origins of the virus. “We will be reporting very definitively over a period of time,” Trump said on Tuesday.

Trump has yet to prove that he is not propagating yet another conspiracy theory when he claims that the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus leaked from the Wuhan Institute of Virology, China’s first biosafety level 4 lab. Numerous scientists have stepped forward to say the DNA indicates the virus is of natural origin, not man-made.

There are plenty of people here in Hong Kong who believe the lab theory too, without a shred of evidence. I’m sorry, but when U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo says he has “enormous evidence” that Chinese lab technicians messed up, show us the proof. Otherwise keep quiet until you are ready to do so. It’s not just hot water, it’s irresponsibly vague.

For the rest of this story, check out Real Money on TheStreet.com.

Australia and India Lead Mid-Week Selling for an Asia in Recession

There are country-specific reasons why Australia, India and Thailand are leading Asia’s plunge, but the whole region is in recession, S&P correctly says.

The wildly unpredictable movements of equity markets continued apace on Wednesday. Despite the strong rally on U.S. markets the day before, when the S&P 500 rose 6%, almost all Asian markets again posted sizable losses here on Wednesday.

The biggest losers are in Australia and India. I’ll briefly explore why each of those two markets is performing particularly poorly.

In Australia, there are massive daily moves in either direction, sometimes even intraday. The S&P/ASX 200 was down 6.4% at the close Wednesday after posting its biggest single-day gain in 20 years on Tuesday. Now that gain has been wiped out! Since hitting a record high on Feb. 20, the index has corrected 31.2%.

Australian equities are dominated by the Big Four banks – Commonwealth Bank CMWAY, Westpac Banking (WBK) , ANZ ANZBY and NAB NABZY – all of which are seeing their shares oscillate as central banks shift policy globally. The Oz market also has a healthy dose of commodity stocks such as the gold miners BHP Group (BHP) and Rio Tinto (RIO) , and commodities are getting crushed, even gold. There’s also a hefty listed real estate sector and renters are going to start struggling to pay up. Oh, and let’s not forget that Australia’s main customer is China, which isn’t buying.

India follows suit

Indian shares again sold off hard on Wednesday, with the Sensex down 5.6% at the close. Indian shares have now corrected 30.1% in the month since Feb. 19, one of the worst performances in Asia. Foreign institutional investors have been heavy sellers, placing a higher risk premium on Indian stocks than before the outbreak.

India only has 137 declared Covid-19 cases so far, and it’s a bit of a mystery why the world’s second-largest country by population has been spared so far. It may be that only a few people are being tested. While ultraviolet light does kill viruses in general, there has been no scientific proof that hot weather deters Covid-19, so it may be that developing markets that often are hot either haven’t been hit yet or tested well. Of course, developing nations will struggle the most in a health care sense if the disease sets in.

Here in Hong Kong, we’ve had virus cases confirmed among Hong Kong tourists returning from India trips. State governments in India are starting to shutter schools, malls, movie theaters and so on, an economic danger because domestic consumption accounts for around 60% of the economy. Travel and tourism, around 7.5% of GDP, will suffer immensely with tourism visas being cancelled.

There are some India-specific issues that add an extra layer of worry. Yes Bank, a private bank established in 2004 as an alternative to state-backed institutions, has collapsed and is being bailed out by the Reserve Bank of India, the nation’s central bank. Also, violent attacks against Muslim minority by radical Hindu nationalists have left scores dead. Those ethnic tensions are not going to be helped by any downward spiral in the economy.

It isn’t pretty elsewhere, either

While Australia and India have fared worst here on Wednesday, other markets alternate to outdo each other in poor performance. Japan was one of the only sources of green on screens, with the Topix up a narrow 0.2% on Wednesday after the Bank of Japan announced it will support the market by buying ETFs. But the Topix, a broad measure of all big Japanese stocks, is down 26.2% this year.

Thailand’s SET index has fallen 33.7% in 2020, by a small margin the worst year-to-date performance in Asia. Thailand gets 11% of its GDP from tourism, and that’s dead – technically, down 44% and getting worse. The Philippines, where stocks are down almost as much, 31.7% in 2020, has simply shut down its stock exchange, saying it couldn’t guarantee the health of folks on the floor. The blood pressure of investors is another health disaster altogether.

It’s going to take a coordinated global response when it comes to fiscal and monetary stimulus to get everyone on the same page. It also will take cooperation among medical bodies and addressing transportation links if we’re going to get out of the coronavirus mess. The unilateral, single-nation responses are firing buckshot when we need a .458 Winchester Magnum, the kind of Big Game rifle the ranger carries when I’ve been on walking safaris in South Africa.

Investors are sensibly responding to economic disruption rather than simply rates of infection. Korean stocks lost 4.9% in a market dominated by big exporters and heavy industry.

Hong Kong’s Hang Seng index closed down 4.2% on Wednesday, even though the rate of new infections is now slow in East Asia. Most of Hong Kong’s new cases are coming from abroad as Hong Kongers hurry home ahead of travel shutdowns around the globe. The Hang Seng hadn’t risen as high as other Asian indexes due to the pro-democracy protests here last year, so the benchmark is down “only” 20.9% in 2020.

Mainland China, where this all started, is seeing its stocks spared the worst of the selling. The CSI 300 index of the largest shares in Shanghai and Shenzhen fell 2.0% on Wednesday, and the whole index is down only 11.2% this year. That’s half the size of the general selloff around Asia. But treat Chinese share movements with skepticism. Domestic retail investors drive the trading and don’t have many other places to put their money. They are also notorious momentum traders. Mainland stocks are also essentially options on companies rather than genuine holdings, because Communist Party policy can change literally overnight without warning and shut your favorite company down. The party also has cash to spend on stimulus.

Recession is here

I was a guest on RTHK Radio 3’s drive-time business show “Money Talk” Tuesday morning, talking about the disastrous economic figures out of China on Monday. The jobless rate is at a record high, manufacturing has slowed a record amount, and retail sales cratered by a record margin.

One point I made is that, given the shutdowns already under way in Italy and Spain, we can expect similar figures out of those economies in the next month or two. And as more countries corral movement and stop public gatherings, we will see that economic pain spread.

So I chuckle a wry laugh when I hear forecasters predicting that we’re heading for recession. We are in recession, people! It’s here now.

The backward-looking economic output figures will confirm that assessment in the future. I hate the new piece of business jargon that an analyst is attempting to “nowcast” activity. But real-time assessments and common-sense assessments are what we need right now.

I’m digesting a particularly gloomy set of reports from Standard & Poor’s. The rating agency isn’t pulling any punches.

“Asia-Pacific Recession Guaranteed” is my light reading right now. It’s a quick hit. The “enormous first-quarter shock” in China means its growth will shudder to 2.9% in 2020, S&P says, a gutsy call because the Communist Party was keen on “predicting” growth of “around 6%.”

S&P is using the traditional definition of two down quarters in a row to define recession. By other measures, countries such as India and China need to achieve outsize growth just to keep the floods of people moving from the countryside to the city gainfully employed.

This new report says the “rising scale of the shock will leave permanent scars on balance sheets and in labor markets” in Asia. I concur. The rating agency believes US$400 billion in permanent income losses is going to be wiped off profit-and-loss statements.

S&P forecasts aggregate growth will fall by more than half in Asia to under 3% for all of 2020. It envisions a U-shaped recovery.

V-shaped, U-shaped, it’s all a question of how deep and how long this recession is going to last. All downturns are temporary unless you think the world economy is going to zero, which it’s not. But how bad will this get? We don’t know. The costs are continuing to add up, meaning we can’t count the final tab yet.